One of the paradoxes of Cesar Chavez's relatively short life (1927-93) is that he combined labor leader with civil rights leader. While civil rights of the 50s and 60s tended to focus on laws that discriminated against minorities, Chavez tried to solve the poverty that faced most minorities because of historic racism. His vehicle was labor activism for farm workers, the primary occupation of the Hispanic American community in the post-WWII years. Though most of his life's work was labor activism, it can be said that his longer lasting legacy was civil rights for Hispanic Americans.
Chavez was born in Arizona but moved at a young age to California. In 1942, he began working in the fields, with a two-year stint in the navy. In 1952, Chavez became an organizer for the Community Services Organization (CSO). This organization, founded in 1947, trained Hispanic American leaders to organize, agitate, and advocate. Chavez became one of their successful labor leaders in the 1950s. In 1962, he left CSO to form with Dolores Huerta the National Farm Workers Association, which later was called the United Farm Workers (UFW).
In 1965, Chavez threw the support of the UFW behind a local strike in Delano, California, of table grape pickers. Not only did he organize the workers in the strike, he called on Californians and Americans to boycott the purchase of table grapes. The strike lasted five years and not only brought nation-wide attention to Chavez and Huerta and the UFW but also the civil and political rights of Hispanic Americans in the US.
In the 1970s, the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act passed the state legislature, giving farm workers collective bargaining rights. The success of the UFW in California inspired the creation of many other farm workers' unions in other states, including Texas and Florida.
In the 1980s, Chavez and the UFW called for the boycott of table grapes again, this time for a reason different than collective bargaining. The heavy pesticides that growers used on the grapes were causing health problems for farm workers; many diseases were chronic and some fatal. Chavez called it the "Wrath of Grapes" boycott, a reversal of the title of the famous book about Depression-Era farm labor abuse in California by John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath.
The 1980s boycott was not as successful a labor action as earlier ones. While Chavez tried to stabilize an important form of labor for Hispanic Americans, the primary occupations of Hispanic Americans had shifted away from farm work to construction, manufacture, and food processing. In addition, many Hispanics became educated and moved out of the fields. And the US experienced a dramatic growth in Hispanic illegal immigration. It was difficult to organize people who feared deportation, and there was little political support in the 1980s for punishing growers who employed illegals. The membership of the UFW went from a high of 50,000 members in the late 1970s to only 15,000 at the time of Chavez's death in 1993.
Nevertheless, in the "Wrath of Grapes" speeches of the mid-1980s, Chavez demonstrated his mastery to move public opinion on an important issue. His arguments helped to decrease the use of pesticides in the fields and also led to increases in unionized farm workers' pay
One of the paradoxes of Cesar Chavez's relatively short life (1927-93) is that he combined labor leader with civil rights leader. While civil rights of the 50s and 60s tended to focus on laws that discriminated against minorities, Chavez tried to solve the poverty that faced most minorities because of historic racism. His vehicle was labor activism for farm workers, the primary occupation of the Hispanic American community in the post-WWII years. Though most of his life's work was labor activism, it can be said that his longer lasting legacy was civil rights for Hispanic Americans.
Chavez was born in Arizona but moved at a young age to California. In 1942, he began working in the fields, with a two-year stint in the navy. In 1952, Chavez became an organizer for the Community Services Organization (CSO). This organization, founded in 1947, trained Hispanic American leaders to organize, agitate, and advocate. Chavez became one of their successful labor leaders in the 1950s. In 1962, he left CSO to form with Dolores Huerta the National Farm Workers Association, which later was called the United Farm Workers (UFW).
In 1965, Chavez threw the support of the UFW behind a local strike in Delano, California, of table grape pickers. Not only did he organize the workers in the strike, he called on Californians and Americans to boycott the purchase of table grapes. The strike lasted five years and not only brought nation-wide attention to Chavez and Huerta and the UFW but also the civil and political rights of Hispanic Americans in the US.
In the 1970s, the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act passed the state legislature, giving farm workers collective bargaining rights. The success of the UFW in California inspired the creation of many other farm workers' unions in other states, including Texas and Florida.
In the 1980s, Chavez and the UFW called for the boycott of table grapes again, this time for a reason different than collective bargaining. The heavy pesticides that growers used on the grapes were causing health problems for farm workers; many diseases were chronic and some fatal. Chavez called it the "Wrath of Grapes" boycott, a reversal of the title of the famous book about Depression-Era farm labor abuse in California by John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath.
The 1980s boycott was not as successful a labor action as earlier ones. While Chavez tried to stabilize an important form of labor for Hispanic Americans, the primary occupations of Hispanic Americans had shifted away from farm work to construction, manufacture, and food processing. In addition, many Hispanics became educated and moved out of the fields. And the US experienced a dramatic growth in Hispanic illegal immigration. It was difficult to organize people who feared deportation, and there was little political support in the 1980s for punishing growers who employed illegals. The membership of the UFW went from a high of 50,000 members in the late 1970s to only 15,000 at the time of Chavez's death in 1993.
Nevertheless, in the "Wrath of Grapes" speeches of the mid-1980s, Chavez demonstrated his mastery to move public opinion on an important issue. His arguments helped to decrease the use of pesticides in the fields and also led to increases in unionized farm workers' pay
This week's discussion asks you to think and write about a speech made by Cesar Chavez. After reading the background material and the speech on Globalyceum, answer the following question:
What strategies does Chavez use to encourage listeners to identify with the farm workers and support the UFW labor action on pesticides?
One of the paradoxes of Cesar Chavez's relatively short life (1927-93) is that he combined labor leader with civil right
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